The Conservative Mistake
Critics of free immigration worry
that immigrants might change the country, make it more socialist, more crime
ridden, more like the places they are coming from, but offer no strong reason
to expect those particular effects. Leaving the place where you grew up to
move somewhere very different is, after all, evidence that you prefer the
latter. As I pointed out in one exchange, the Volokh brothers, associated with
the popular libertarian/conservative legal blog the Volokh Conspiracy, are
immigrants from the ex-Soviet Union. While Eugene and Sasha Volokh may be slightly
more socialist than I am, they are much less socialist than most of their
fellow academics, not entirely surprising given that they have experienced
socialism at first hand.
The criticsÕ argument takes it for
granted that change is presumptively bad.
The same assumption appears
implicitly in arguments over global warming. It seems likely that the average
temperature of the globe will go up by several degrees C over the next hundred
years due to increased Carbon dioxide in the atmosphere, a change that will
have both good and bad effects. If I had to guess, my guess would be that the
net effect will be positive, for at least two reasons. The first is that human
habitability is limited mostly by cold not heat—the equator is populated,
the poles are not. The second is that, for well understood reasons, global
warming can be expected to increase temperatures more in cold places and at
cold times than in warm. Combine those two and one might guess that a somewhat
warmer world would be, on the whole, more suited to humans, not less. Here
again, the explanation of the opposite view seems to me to be the conservative
mistake, the assumption that change is presumptively bad. The same is true, I
think, of concerns about a variety of other issues, from fracking to cloning to
GMO foods.
I call it a mistake, but perhaps
that is unfair. We know that the present is at least tolerable, since we are at
present tolerating it. A change might make things better, might make them
worse, so why chance it? That sounds like a plausible argument, but it
contains a hidden assumption—that stasis is an option, that if we do not
have more immigration our cultural and political circumstances will remain the
same, that without anthropogenic CO2, climate will stay what it currently is.
Both are demonstrably false. Over my
lifetime the cultural and political institutions of the U.S. have changed
substantially for reasons that had little to do with immigration. Over the past
million years, the climate of the earth has changed radically, time after time,
for reasons that had nothing to do with anthropogenic CO2. A rise in sea level
of a foot or two would create problems in some parts of the world, but not
problems comparable to the effect of half a mile of ice over the present
locations of Chicago and London.
The left wing version of the
conservative mistake comes with its own pseudoscientific slogan, "the
precautionary principle." It is the rule that no decision should be made
unless one can be confident that it will not have substantial bad effects, that
the lack of any good reason to believe it will have such effects is not enough.
At first glance it sounds plausible, but a momentÕs thought should convince you
that it is internally incoherent. The decision to permit nuclear power could
have substantial bad effects. The decision not to permit nuclear power could
also have substantial bad effects. If one takes the precautionary principle
seriously, one is obligated to neither permit nor forbid nuclear power and
similarly with many other choices, including acting or not acting to prevent
global warming.
Continuing with that example, I have
long argued, only partly in jest, that the precautionary principle is itself a
major source of global warming. Nuclear power is the one source of power that
does not produce CO2 and can be expanded more or less without limit. A major
factor restricting the growth of nuclear power has been the precautionary principle,
even if not always under that name—hostility to permitting reactors to be
built as long as there is any chance that anything could go wrong. That example
demonstrates my more general point—that stasis is not an option. The
world is going to change whether or not we permit nuclear power and there is no
a priori reason to expect the changes if we do not permit it to be worse
than those if we do.
I am not arguing that there is never
a good reason to fear change—sometimes a change can be reasonably
predicted to have bad consequences. I am arguing that much opposition to
change, across a wide range of different topics and disputes, is based on the
mistaken assumption that if only that particular change is prevented, the next
year, the next decade, the next century, will be more or less the same as the
present.
That is very unlikely.